![\"jinnah\"](\"https:\/\/patriotsforumindia.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2014\/10\/jinnah.jpg\")
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engineered the famous Lucknow Pact IN 1915 Gokhale advised Gandhi to Over the next three years The constitutionalist in Jinnah found mass politics There is a remarkable sub-text in this speech, which has never Let us leave the last word to Gandhi. Writing HISTORY MIGHT The question that should intrigue us is Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who remained opposed to Jinnah responded with the unbridled use of the communal card, and Facts are humbling. 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\nBUT NOT ALL HIS LIFE!<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
\naristocrat by temperament, catholic in taste, sectarian in politics, and the
\nfather of Pakistan, was the unlikeliest parent that an Islamic republic could
\npossibly have. He was the most British of the generation of Indians that won
\nfreedom in August 1947. As a child in the elite Christian Mission High School in
\nKarachi, he changed his birthday from 20 October to Christmas Day. As a student
\nat Lincoln\u2019s Inn, he anglicised his name from Jinnahbhai to Jinnah. For three
\nyears, between 1930 and 1933, he went into voluntary exile in Hampstead,
\nacquired a British passport, set up residence with his sister Fatimah and
\ndaughter Dina, hired a British chauffeur [Bradley] for his Bentley, kept two
\ndogs [a black Doberman and a white West Highland terrier], indulged himself at
\nthe theatre [he had once wanted to be a professional actor so that he could play
\nHamlet] and appeared before the Privy Council to maintain himself in the style
\nto which he was accustomed. He wore Savile Row suits, heavily starched shirts
\nand two-tone leather or suede shoes. Official portraits in Pakistan present him
\nin a more \u201cIslamic\u201d costume, but the first time he wore a lambskin cap and
\nsherwani was on 15 October 1937 when he presided over the Lucknow session of the
\nMuslim League. He was 61 years old.<\/p>\nDespite being the Quaid-e-Azam, or the Great Leader of
\nMuslims, he drank a moderate amount of alcohol and was embarrassingly unfamiliar
\nwith Islamic methods of prayer. He was uncomfortable in any language but
\nEnglish, and made his demand for Pakistan \u2014 in 1940 at Lahore \u2014 in English,
\ndespite catcalls from an audience that wanted to hear Urdu. His excuse was
\ningenious: since the world press was in attendance, he said, it was only right
\nthat he speak in a world language. The brilliant lawyer was never short of a
\nconvincing argument.<\/p>\n
\nPetit, child of a wealthy non-Muslim Bombay business family who was disowned by
\nher parents for marrying outside her faith. Ruttie wore fresh flowers in her
\nhair, silk dresses, headbands that sparkled with diamonds, rubies and emeralds,
\nand smoked English cigarettes in ivory holders. The marriage frayed, but it
\nproduced a daughter, Dina, who loved her father but was more reticent about the
\nnation he created. Dina stayed back in India, and must have been the only Indian
\nto wave a Pakistani flag from her balcony on 14 August 1947. In an incident
\npoignant with Wodehousian overtones, Jinnah, who wore a monocle as a young
\nbarrister, recalled his first \u201cfriction with the police\u201d to his biographer,
\nHector Bolitho [Jinnah, Creator of Pakistan, John Murray, 1954]. It was during
\nan Oxbridge boat race: \u201cI was with two friends and we were caught up with a
\ncrowd of undergraduates. We found a cart in a side street, so we pushed each
\nother up and down the roadway, until we were arrested and taken off to the
\npolice station … [and] let off with a caution.\u201d It was the only time Jinnah
\nwent to jail. In contrast, the first Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru,
\nwho gave up Savile Row for unshaped homespun cotton, spent half the years
\nbetween 1920 and 1947 in a series of British prisons.<\/p>\n
\nyear of the freedom movement, for Mahatma Gandhi took over its leadership and
\nlaunched the non-cooperation, or Khilafat, movement with a marriage of two
\ncurrents: the overall anger against British colonisation and the Muslim outrage
\nagainst the defeat of the Caliph of Muslims, Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, and
\nthe fall of the holy cities, Mecca and Medina, to the British in the First World
\nWar. When Gandhi allied with the ulema, and challenged the rule of law, Jinnah,
\na pre-eminent leader of the Congress as well as the Muslim League, objected. He
\nwalked out of the Nagpur session of the Congress rather than endorse Gandhi\u2019s
\nleadership. As he said, \u201cWell, young man. I will have nothing to do with this
\npseudo-religious approach to politics. I part company with Congress and Gandhi.
\nI do not believe in working up mob hysteria.\u201d<\/p>\n
\njournalist, Durga Das. The older man was Mohammad Ali Jinnah. The reference is
\nfrom Durga Das\u2019 classic book, India from Curzon to Nehru and After. Jinnah said
\nthis after the 1920 Nagpur session, where Gandhi\u2019s non-cooperation resolution
\nwas passed almost unanimously. Jinnah\u2019s decision was entirely in character with
\nhis liberal-secular record.<\/p>\n
\nbirth, wealth and power\u201d called on the fourth Earl of Minto, Curzon\u2019s successor
\nas Viceroy of India. They were led by the Aga Khan and used for the first time a
\nphrase that would dominate the history of the subcontinent in the 20th century:
\nthe \u201cnational interests\u201d of Indian Muslims. They wanted help against an
\n\u201cunsympathetic\u201d Hindu majority. They asked, very politely, for proportional
\nrepresentation in jobs and separate seats in councils, municipalities,
\nuniversity syndicates and high court benches. Lord Minto was happy to oblige.
\nThe Muslim League was born in December that year at Dhaka, chaired by Nawab
\nSalimullah Khan, who had been too ill to join the 35 in October. The Aga Khan
\nwas its first president.<\/p>\n
\nironic\u201d that \u201cour doughtiest opponent in 1906\u201d was Jinnah, who \u201ccame out in
\nbitter hostility toward all that I and my friends had done. He was the only
\nwell-known Muslim to take this attitude. He said that our principle of separate
\nelectorates was dividing the nation against itself\u201d. ON PRECISELY the same dates
\nthat the League was formed in Dhaka, Jinnah was in nearby Calcutta with 44 other
\nMuslims and roughly 1,500 Hindus, Christians and Parsis, serving as secretary to
\nDadabhai Naoroji, president of the Indian National Congress. Dadabhai was too
\nill to give his address, which had been partially drafted by Jinnah and was read
\nout by Gopal Krishna Gokhale.<\/p>\n
\nJinnah for the first time here, remembered him as a symbol of \u201cvirile
\npatriotism\u201d. Her description is arguably the best there is: \u201cTall and stately,
\nbut thin to the point of emancipation, languid and luxurious of habit, Mohammad
\nAli Jinnah\u2019s attenuated form is a deceptive sheath of a spirit of exceptional
\nvitality and endurance. Somewhat formal and fastidious, and a little aloof and
\nimperious of manner, the calm hauteur of his accustomed reserve but masks, for
\nthose who know him, a na\u00efve and eager humanity, an intuition quick and tender as
\na woman\u2019s, a humour gay and winning as a child\u2019s, a shy and splendid idealism
\nwhich is of the very essence of the man.\u201d<\/p>\n
\nLegislative Council in Calcutta [the capital of British India then] on 25
\nJanuary 1910, along with Gokhale, Surendranath Banerjea and Motilal Nehru. Lord
\nMinto expected the Council to rubber stamp \u201cany measures we may deem right to
\nintroduce\u201d. Jinnah\u2019s maiden speech shattered such pompousness. He rose to defend
\nanother Gujarati working for his people in another colony across the seas,
\nMohandas Karamchand Gandhi. Jinnah expressed \u201cthe highest pitch of indignation
\nand horror at the harsh and cruel treatment that is meted out to Indians in
\nSouth Africa\u201d. Minto objected to a term such as \u201ccruel treatment\u201d. Jinnah
\nresponded at once: \u201cMy Lord! I should feel much inclined to use much stronger
\nlanguage.\u201d Lord Minto kept quiet.<\/p>\n
\nwas to become the first non-official Act in British Indian history, the Wakf
\nValidating Bill, reversing an 1894 decision on wakf gifts. Muslims across the
\nIndian empire were grateful. Jinnah attended his first meeting of the League in
\nBankipur in 1912, but did not become a member. He was in Bankipur to attend the
\nCongress session. When he went to Lucknow a few months later as a special guest
\nof the League [it was not an annual session], Sarojini Naidu was on the platform
\nwith him. The bitterness that divided India did not exist then. Dr M.A. Ansari,
\nMaulana Azad and Hakim Ajmal Khan attended the League session of 1914, and in
\n1915, the League tent had a truly unlikely guest list: Madan Mohan Malviya,
\nSurendranath Banerjea, Annie Besant, B.G. Horniman, Sarojini Naidu and Mahatma
\nGandhi. When Jinnah did join the League in 1913, he insisted on a condition, set
\nout in immaculate English, that his \u201cloyalty to the Muslim League and the Muslim
\ninterest would in no way and at no time imply even the shadow of disloyalty to
\nthe larger national cause to which his life was dedicated\u201d [Jinnah: His Speeches
\nand Writings, 1912-1917, edited by Sarojini Naidu]. Gokhale that year honoured
\nJinnah with a phrase that has travelled through time: it is \u201cfreedom from all
\nsectarian prejudice which will make him [Jinnah] the best ambassador of
\nHindu-Muslim unity\u201d. In the spring of 1914 Jinnah chaired a Congress delegation
\nto London to lobby Whitehall on a proposed Council of India Bill.<\/p>\n
\nGandhi landed in India in 1915, Jinnah, as president of the Gujarat Society [the
\nmahatmas of both India and Pakistan were Gujaratis], spoke at a garden party to
\nwelcome the hero of South Africa. Jinnah was the star of 1915. At the Congress
\nand League sessions, held in Mumbai at the same time, he worked tirelessly with
\nCongress president Satyendra Sinha and Mazharul Haque [a Congressman who
\npresided over the Muslim League that year] for a joint platform of resolutions.
\nHaque and Jinnah were heckled so badly at the League session by mullahs that the
\nmeeting had to be adjourned. It reconvened the next day in the safer milieu of
\nthe Taj Mahal Hotel. The next year Jinnah became president of the League for the
\nfirst time, at Lucknow.<\/p>\n
\nwith Jinnah in the Council. When the munificent Motilal convened a meeting of
\nfellow-legislators at his handsome mansion in Allahabad in April, he considered
\nJinnah \u201cas keen a nationalist as any of us. He is showing his community the way
\nto Hindu-Muslim unity\u201d. It was from this meeting in Allahabad that Jinnah went
\nfor a vacation to Darjeeling and the summer home of his friend Sir Dinshaw
\nManockjee Petit [French merchants had nicknamed Dinshaw\u2019s small-built
\ngrandfather petit and it stuck] and met 16-year-old Ruttie. I suppose a glorious
\nview of the Everest encouraged romance. When Ruttie became 18 she eloped and on
\n19 April 1918 they were married. Ruttie\u2019s Parsi family disowned her, she
\nseparated from Jinnah a decade later. [The wedding ring was a gift from the Raja
\nof Mahmudabad.]<\/p>\n
\nwith Congress president A.C. Mazumdar. In his presidential speech Jinnah
\nrejoiced that the new spirit of patriotism had \u201cbrought Hindus and Muslims
\ntogether for the common cause\u201d. Mazumdar announced that all differences had been
\nsettled, and Hindus and Muslims would make a \u201cjoint demand for a Representative
\nGovernment in India\u201d. Enter Gandhi, who never sat in a legislature, and believed
\npassionately that freedom could only be won by a non-violent struggle for which
\nhe would have to prepare the masses.<\/p>\n
\nkeep \u201chis ears open and his mouth shut\u201d for a year, and see India. Gandhi
\nstopped in Calcutta on his way to Rangoon and spoke to students. Politics, he
\nsaid, should never be divorced from religion. The signal was picked by Muslims
\nplanning to marry politics with religion in their first great campaign against
\nthe British empire, the Khilafat movement.<\/p>\n
\nGandhi prepared the ground for his version of the freedom struggle: a shift from
\nthe legislatures to the street; a deliberate use of religious imagery to reach
\nthe illiterate masses through symbols most familiar to them [Ram Rajya for the
\nHindus, Khilafat for the Muslims]; and an unwavering commitment to the poor
\npeasantry, for whom Champaran became a miracle. The massacre at Jallianwala Bagh
\nin 1919 provided a perfect opportunity; Indian anger reached critical mass.
\nGandhi led the Congress towards its first mass struggle, the Non-Cooperation
\nMovement of 1921.<\/p>\n
\nambitious, and the liberal in him rejected the invasion of religion in politics.
\nWhen he rose to speak at the Nagpur session in 1920, where Gandhi moved the
\nnon-cooperation resolution, Jinnah was the only delegate to dissent till the end
\namong some 50,000 \u201csurging\u201d Hindus and Muslims. He had two principal objections.
\nThe resolution, he said, was a de facto declaration of swaraj, or complete
\nindependence, and although he agreed completely with Lala Lajpat Rai\u2019s
\nindictment of the British Government he did not think the Congress had, as yet,
\nthe means to achieve this end; as he put it, \u201cit is not the right step to take
\nat this moment. You are committing the Indian National Congress to a programme
\nwhich you will not be able to carry out\u201d. [Gandhi, after promising swaraj within
\na year, withdrew the Non-Cooperation Movement in the wake of communal riots in
\nKerala and of course the famous Chauri Chaura incident in 1922. Congress
\nformally adopted full independence as its goal only in 1931.] His second
\nobjection was that non-violence would not succeed. In this Jinnah was
\nwrong.<\/p>\n
\nbeen commented upon, at least to my knowledge. When Jinnah first referred to
\nGandhi, he called him \u201cMr Gandhi\u201d. There were instant cries of \u201cMahatma Gandhi\u201d.
\nWithout a moment\u2019s hesitation, Jinnah switched to \u201cMahatma Gandhi\u201d. Later, he
\nreferred to Mr Mohammad Ali, the more flamboyant of the two Ali Brothers, both
\npopularly referred to as Maulana. There were angry cries of \u201cMaulana\u201d. Jinnah
\nignored them. He referred at least five times more to Ali, but each time called
\nhim only Mr Mohammad Ali.<\/p>\n
\nin Harijan of 8 June 1940, Gandhi said, \u201cQuaid-e-Azam himself was a great
\nCongressman. It was only after the non-cooperation that he, like many other
\nCongressmen belonging to several communities, left. Their defection was purely
\npolitical.\u201d In other words, it was not communal. It could not be, for almost
\nevery Muslim was with Gandhi when Jinnah left the Congress.<\/p>\n
\nbe better understood if we did not treat it as a heroes-and-villains movie. Life
\nis more complex than that. The heroes of our national struggle changed sometimes
\nwith circumstances. The reasons for the three instances I cite are very
\ndifferent; their implications radically at variance. I am not making any
\ncomparisons, but only noting that leaders change their tactics. Non-violent
\nGandhi, who broke the empire three decades later, received the Kaiser-I-Hind
\nmedal on 3 June 1915 [Tagore was knighted the same day] for recruiting soldiers
\nfor the war effort. Subhas Bose, ardently Gandhian in 1920, put on uniform and
\nled the Indian National Army with support from Fascists. Jinnah, the ambassador
\nof unity, became a partitionist.<\/p>\n
\nwhy. Ambition and frustration are two reasons commonly suggested in India, but
\nthey are not enough to create a new nation. Jinnah made the demand for Pakistan
\nonly in 1940, after repeated attempts to obtain constitutional safeguards for
\nMuslims and attempts at power-sharing had failed. What happened, for instance,
\nto the Constitution that the Congress was meant to draft in 1928? On the other
\nhand, Congress leaders felt that commitments on the basis of any community would
\nlead to extortion from every community. The only exception made was for Dalits,
\nthen called Harijans.<\/p>\n
\npartition even after Nehru and Patel had accepted it as inevitable, places one
\nfinger on the failed negotiations in United Provinces after the 1936-37
\nelections, and a second on the inexplicable collapse of the Cabinet Mission Plan
\nof 1946 which would have kept India united \u2014 inexplicable because both the
\nCongress and the Muslim League had accepted it. The plan did not survive a press
\nconference given by Nehru. But to blame Nehru alone is completely erroneous. He
\nhad just been named Congress president, replacing Azad, since the party
\npresident would head any interim Government pending freedom. But he was hardly
\nthe supreme authority in the party. Gandhi could have intervened at any moment,
\nbut did not. Nehru had strong reservations about the right of the units to
\nsecede; Jinnah may have accepted a \u201cmoth-eaten\u201d Pakistan but Nehru was not ready
\nto accept a \u201cmoth-eaten\u201d India. Azad disagreed, arguing the classic Congress
\ncase that since communalism was a British poison, it would ebb once Indians
\nruled their own state; he was ready, in other words, to give Indians a chance to
\nprove that communalism was a passing phenomenon and flourish as a united
\nnation.<\/p>\n
\nthere was no turning back. His protest culminated in the call for Direct Action;
\nthis in turn engendered the carnage of the Calcutta riots; which, in turn, led
\nto the massacres of Bihar riots. The prospects of unity were washed away in the
\nblood on the streets and mudpaths. A deeply saddened Gandhi spurned 15 August
\n1947 as a false dawn [to quote Faiz]. He spent the day not in celebrations in
\nDelhi but in fasting at Calcutta. Thanks to Gandhi \u2014 and H.S. Suhrawardy \u2014 there
\nwere no communal riots in Calcutta in 1947.<\/p>\n
\nprevent you from jumping to conclusions<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"