क्या हिन्दू आज भी परितज्य है : RTE, Temples, Traditions And More: How The BJP Has Failed Hindu Causes

पिछली सरकार का अति हिन्दू विरोधी होना सर्व विदित है . हिन्दू आतंकवाद के नाम पर राजनीति उसका घिनौना चेहरा था .भूतपूर्व प्रधान मंत्री  मनमोहन सिंह  का बयान की देश के संसाधनों पर अल्प्सख्यकों का पहला अधिकार है आज भी राजनितिक नीचता की सीमा ही बना हुआ है .परन्तु कहाव के बाद भी कुछ नहीं बदला है . नयी सरकार मैं वह सहस नहीं दीखता की हिन्दुओं के खोये हुए अधिकार दिला सके . इस लेख  मैं इन बातों का विस्तृत वर्णन है .लेख मैं  लेखक के व्यक्तिगत विचार हैं . प्रकाशकों की न इससे सहमती है न ही इनका कोई अनुमोदन नहीं किया जा रहा है .

http://swarajyamag.com/politics/rte-temples-traditions-and-more-how-the-bjp-has-failed-hindus-causes

RTE, Temples, Traditions And More: How The BJP Has Failed Hindu Causes

Shreyas Bharadwaj – December 14, 2016, 1:37 pm

It is not as if BJP governments in the states are doing any better. In a recent instance, the Devendra Fadnavis government in Maharashtra preferred to force a Hindu-run educational institution to go to court over non-payment of RTE dues rather than do the right thing and pay up. This episode ended with the Bombay High Court preaching to the school management to not worry only about money and fulfil their ‘social obligations’. We have to ask, what prevented the Fadnavis government from paying those dues on time? Was it because he had no skin in the game, given that his own children study in convent schools?

Since education is in the concurrent list, many other state governments thankfully paid only lip service to implementing the RTE. The Maharashtra state government, however, implemented the RTE . This is the same government which would never fail to transfer government grants in aid to educational institutions, especially the minority ones, due to the fear of being branded communal.

What’s worth pointing out is that it’s not as if the current political scenario is against the states and they can’t do anything to mitigate the impact of the RTE Act. The BJP-run states, for instance, can raise the compensation from the current minuscule amounts. For example, the reimbursement amount set by the government in Punjab for students from the economically weaker section admitted via RTE is Rs 1,370 per child for the year 2014-15. What prevents state governments from raising it to about Rs 20,000?

State governments can also make rules to relax teacher training requirements and to have teachers’ salaries in RTE schools match government school salaries. In fact, state governments should create a teacher subsidy fund to subsidise only the RTE schools (and therefore not subsidise RTE-exempt minority institutions). The payment cycles should be rationalised, and all reimbursements should be phased throughout the academic year. The state governments can strive to ensure there is no backlog in reimbursements. State governments or even the centre can expand the exemption list from only religious and linguistic minorities to scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, other backward castes, women and atheists. States can also exempt RTE schools from the no-objection certificate and similar requirements for setting up new branches.

All this and more can be done, but the BJP needs to first realise that the RTE is a blatantly anti-Hindu legislation.

Temples, traditions and superstition laws

Over the past year, we saw two major ‘social justice’ movements aimed at securing entry for women at temples. While the first one was about allowing women to worship in the sanctum sanctorum of the Shani Shingnapur temple, the second one dealt with ending discrimination by the management of the Sabarimala Ayyappaswamy temple. As usual, the social justice groups blew the conch for such attacks on Hindu traditions and the ‘secular’ commentariat joined in. In a sign of the times, the BJP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh sided with these groups over traditions. The argument was this: nothing in our holy books (of which we have many) mandated such a thing, and these rituals or traditions weren’t an essential part of Hinduism.

Instead of questioning the ‘social justice’ groups and judges who sided with them on whether they had the authority to decide what is and what isn’t an essential part of Hindu dharma, Hindu ‘leaders’ joined them in the name of ‘progress’. Never mind our ancient traditions, never mind the fact that we are not an Abrahamic religion with a book to guide our lives, never mind the fact that devout women worshippers came out with the campaign #ReadyToWait. Hindu ‘leaders’ jumped at the chance to be minor saints in the church of progressivism.

One could list other such instances as well – no significant measure against the demographic invasion from Bangladesh, the destabilising activities carried out by foreign-funded Christian missionaries and many more.

To show its voters that it retains a pro-Hindu tilt, the BJP used to resort to tokenism. Remember Yoga Day, for instance? And there too, they took out Om from the prayer because it would offend Muslims and Christians. The party now feels so sure of securing the Hindu vote in future elections that it doesn’t even indulge the Hindus with these tokens.

The BJP should not forget that it is able to sell the slogan of Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas only on the strength of the Hindu vote. That won’t be the case when Prime Minister Modi leaves the arena though. To prevent such a disaster, the BJP should heed Swarajya’s R Jagannathan’s suggestion – accept that it gets insignificant amounts of the ‘secular’ vote and openly accept its pro-Hindu image. The BJP needs to fight its own mental colonisation before it can fight for Hindus.

P S – This writer leaves the applicability of Conquest’s third law on the BJP to the readers’ imagination.

With inputs from @yenkak. @mnshzz and @colonelgerard.